Zhou Enlai, remember the name

When I was studying in Shanghai back in 2012, The Economist published an article about why you should remember the name Xi Jinping. Mr. Xi was about to become General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and, subsequently, the country’s president. Since then, Xi Jinping has definitely made a name for himself. Not only in China but globally as well. He is without doubt the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao Zedong. Many books have been written about his early love for the Party and rapid rise through its ranks. Despite his secretive and highly choreographed personal life, Mr. Xi enjoys strong support at home and non-stop (critical) attention abroad. For better or worse, his name will be remembered.

During the Two Sessions in Beijing last March, the members of the Politbureau Standing Committee ⎻ the Party’s top decision-making body ⎻ were reshuffled (except for Party ideologue Wang Huning and Mr. Xi himself, of course). Premier Li Keqiang was replaced by Li Qiang, a Xi loyalist who implemented the brutal Covid-19 lockdown of Shanghai in the spring of last year. Li Qiang’s promotion is a worrying sign that the traditionally more independent, pragmatic position of premier is being hollowed out. Former premiers such as Zhu Rongji (1998-2003), Wen Jiabao (2003-2013) and even Li Keqiang (2013-2023) were men with a solid understanding of economics, public administration and foreign affairs. Or, as often described by Western leaders, someone they “can do business with”. Li Qiang, on the other hand, is Mr. Xi’s protégé and generally seen as a yes-man.

Being a first-hour CPC member and having studied and worked in both Japan and Europe, Zhou possessed a rare skillset that proved invaluable during the first years of China’s nation building.

Things were very different with Zhou Enlai, China’s first premier (1949-1976), who in the early days of the Party’s rule was also the country’s top diplomat. An early supporter of Mao Zedong’s quest to beat the Nationalists and unite China under communist rule (as described in one of my earlier blogs), Zhou initially emerged as a dedicated and capable statesman after the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. Being a first-hour CPC member and having studied and worked in both Japan and Europe, Zhou possessed a rare skillset that proved invaluable during the first years of China’s nation building. On the one hand, Zhou was a fervent communist, pursuading his comrades and the Chinese people to follow his course of action. At the same time, he could draw on his curious, diligent and pragmatic character which lead him to excel in his studies and working life. Combining ideological spirit with public administration competence made Zhou the ideal first premier of the PRC.

The relationship between Mao and Zhou in the first decade after the establishment of the CPC was very rocky (as briefly illustrated in an earlier blog). Though both men shared the samed ideology, they regularly differed in its implementation. For instance, during the Great Leap Forward (1958-1962) Zhou argued against further collectivization of harvests as famines started to ravage the country. A moderate in nature, Zhou tried to soften Mao’s disastrous policy that, according to some estimates, counts as the largest famine in human history. Despite the complete collapse of the country’s agricultural economy and mounting loss of life, Mao stubbornly continued his campaign. Though Zhou was not able to prevent at least 15 million deaths, a number of scholars have argued that the devastating policy would have continued for much longer if leaders like Zhou would not have intervened. Zhou also spearheaded the reversal of some of the economic policies in the years directly after the disastrous Great Leap Forward.

A moderate in nature, Zhou tried to soften Mao’s disastrous policy that, according to some estimates, counts as the largest famine in human history.

Another period when Zhou proved his worth was during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) when China was embroiled in an ideological frenzy. Damaged by many of his past failures (including the Great Leap Forward), Mao launched a campaign mobilising the masses to reignite their communist spirit and reposition himself as the Party’s unquestionable leader. Zealous Red Guards took control of daily life and many millions of ordinary Chinese were humiliated, tortured, subjected to forced labour and murdered for their alleged anti-communist leanings. During this chaotic period, Zhou played a key role in restraining the excesses of the Red Guards by protecting targeted groups such as academics and intellectuals. At the end of the Cultural Revolution, Zhou also advocated the return of more moderate leaders like Deng Xiaoping. In doing so, Zhou succeeded in avoiding further escalation and agony while putting his own (political) life at risk.

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The horrors of the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution have been well documented. Yet the resistance and counterbalancing acts of leaders such as Zhou Enlai have received much less attention. His courageous, strategic and selfless track record as the PRC’s first premier deserves more praise. In times of increasing autocratic leadership and personality cult within the CPC, it is important to look beyond the top man and take note of his entourage. Unfortunately, it is currently hard to spot a new Zhou Enlai. All the more reason to remember his name.